Teppei Kaneuji

“I was often at home by myself and I sometimes felt alone, so I would often put up my drawings and clay figures, hold stuffed animals, read my favorite manga, and watch television. I think I was sensitive to the power held by those actions.”

 


WHO

Kyoto-based artist Teppei Kaneuji (born 1978, Japan) began experimenting with found objects while studying in London. He continues to use mass-produced consumer goods in his sculptures.

 

WHAT

Kaneuji transforms everyday materials into bizarre, fantastical configurations. In White Discharge (Built-up Objects #40), found materials are piled on top of one another on a barbeque grill. Kaneuji unifies their bright, discordant colors under a flow of dripping white resin. In Teenage Fan Club (#66–72), plastic rainbow-colored hair pieces from action figures are reassembled into monstrous forms. The artist’s inspiration came from watching a crowd of people swaying at a concert.

 

WHY

Through stacking, piling, and manipulating mass-produced objects, Kaneuji explores the culture of mass consumption prevalent in contemporary Japan and the United States.

 

LISTEN

PlayTime curator Trevor Smith describes how Teppei Kaneuji’s artistic process is like playing jazz. Read the transcript.

 

 

WATCH

Teppei Kaneuji on finding inspiration in the unlikeliest of places and the importance of feeling “naughty” when making art. Read the transcript.

 

 

WORKS

Teenage Fan Club (#66–72), 2015
Plastic figures and hot glue
Courtesy of the artist and Jane Lombard Gallery

 

White Discharge (Built-up Objects #40), 2015
Wood, plastic, steel, and resin
Courtesy of the artist and Jane Lombard Gallery

 

(Image credits: Photo by Bob Packert/PEM; Courtesy of STPI – Creative Workshop & Gallery; photo by Bob Packert/PEM; photo by Ken Sawyer/PEM.)

Brian Jungen

“I like using things people can recognize and what they see every day.”

 

WHO

Brian Jungen (born 1970, Canada) is of Swiss/German and Dunne-za descent. He grew up in northern Canada where he took a keen interest in his family’s resourcefulness and recycling of objects. He studied art in Vancouver and currently lives on a ranch in rural British Columbia.

 

WHAT

On a 1998 trip to New York City, Jungen purchased a pair of Nike Air Jordan basketball sneakers. For Jungen, the red, white, and black colors of the sneakers resembled the traditional colors of indigenous art from the Northwest coast. Recalling his family’s practice of recycling, the artist began to deconstruct the shoes as well as other leather goods and sports gear to transform them into sculpture.

 

WHY

Jungen is interested in transforming consumer goods into anthropomorphic forms. He plays with connections between cultural categories that are usually understood to be distinct: indigenous sculpture, modern art, natural history museums, and retail display.

 

LISTEN

PlayTime curator Trevor Smith considers how Brian Jungen’s work blurs the boundaries of sports, play, and intimacy. Read the transcript.
 

 

WORKS

 

Owl Drugs, 2016
Nike Air Jordans and brass
Courtesy of the artist and Casey Kaplan

 

Horse Mask (Mike), 2016
Nike Air Jordans
Courtesy of the artist and Casey Kaplan

 

Blanket no. 3, 2008
Professional sports jerseys
Courtesy of the artist and Casey Kaplan

 

(Image credits: All photos by Jean Vong.)

Cao Fei

“The theme of reality versus dream and fantasy is present throughout my works.”

 

 

 

WHO

Cao Fei (born 1978, China) is a video and installation artist currently working in Beijing. Part of a generation born after the Cultural Revolution, the artist reflects on China’s transformation by exploring themes of power, absurdity, and utopia in her work.

 

WHAT

Cao’s art often takes a real-life situation and investigates it through the framework of technology or gaming. In the case of Rumba 01 & 02, she humorously tackles domestic life in the twenty-first century by confining robotic vacuums to endless movement on museum pedestals. In Shadow Life, Cao uses a traditional Chinese art form—“shadow shows”—to create a video that tells a contemporary story of politics in modern China and beyond.

 

WHY

Cao attempts to expose the underbelly of consumerist culture in her native China and its global implications. By exploring paradoxes of modern society in bizarre and beautiful ways, she navigates a rapid cultural shift influenced by foreign powers and the virtual worlds of the Internet.

 

LISTEN

PlayTime curator Trevor Smith talks about how Cao Fei uses play to blur the boundaries between humans and machines. Read the transcript.

 

WORKS

 

Rumba 01 & 02, 2016
Cleaning robots and pedestals
Courtesy of the artist and Vitamin Creative Space

 

Shadow Life , 2011
Video (10 minutes)
Courtesy of the artist and Vitamin Creative Space

 

(Image credits: Courtesy of the artist and Vitamin Creative Space; courtesy of the artist and Vitamin Creative Space, photo by Zhang Chi (detail); photo by Allison White/PEM; courtesy of the artist and Vitamin Creative Space.)

Lara Favaretto

“I like to shift from perfection to the fall, to push the work to its tipping point, its limit, to endanger it, to the point of making it yield, jam, collapse.”

 

 

WHO

Lara Favaretto (born 1973, Italy) creates site-specific art installations out of found and recycled materials. She is particularly interested in exploring how objects that appear ordinary and carefree at first glance can actually reveal darker themes of futility, tragedy, and decay.

 

WHAT

In Coppie Semplici / Simple Couples, Lara Favaretto re-enchants industrial car wash brushes by stripping away their original function and transforming them into kinetic abstract paintings.

 

WHY

Named after human couples, Lara Favaretto’s brushes take on lives of their own. Moving but going nowhere, they celebrate absurdity while reflecting upon the monotony of modern life and consumer culture. The dust that accumulates around the work from the brushes wearing down relates to the effect that couples have on one another, each individual slowly transforming through their ongoing interaction.

 

LISTEN

PlayTime curator Trevor Smith muses on how the mundane can be mesmerizing. Read the transcript.

 

 

WORKS

 

Coppie Semplici / Simple Couples, 2009
Maria and Felix
Amamamiya and Sasayama
Harold and Maude
Shirley and Cyril
Bobby and Laura
Kelly and Griff
Stéphane and Salina
Seven pairs of car wash brushes, iron slabs, motors, electrical boxes, and wires
Rennie Collection

 

(Image credits: Photo by Blaine Campbell, © Lara Favaretto; courtesy of Lara Favaretto Studio; photo by Allison White/PEM.)

Martin Creed

Anything is art that is used as art by people.”

 

 

WHO

Artist and musician Martin Creed (born 1968, United Kingdom) has been described as “part court jester, part subversive philosopher.” In his work, all materials and spatial conditions hold equal creative potential: white is no better than black, empty is no better than full. Creed’s works provide unexpectedly playful ways of reconsidering the hierarchical assumptions with which we negotiate the world.

 

WHAT

Both works by Creed are installed per his instructions. For Work No. 329, he directed the museum to: fill latex balloons with half of the air in a given space and then fill that space with the balloons. Viewers bring the piece to life by entering and walking through.

 

WHY

In his signature whimsical way, Creed uses a simple, everyday object to draw our attention to an invisible entity that surrounds us: the air that fills us when we breathe.

 

LISTEN

PlayTime curator Trevor Smith on how Martin Creed’s simple gestures transform the traditional museum experience. Read the transcript.

 

WORKS

 

Work No. 329, 2004
Balloons
Rennie Collection

 

Work No. 798, 2007
Emulsion on wall
Courtesy of the artist and Hauser & Wirth

 

(Image credits: Photo by Bob Packert/PEM; Martin Creed, photo by Hugo Glendinning; photo by Bob Packert/PEM; photo by Allison White/PEM.)

Nick Cave

“Sometimes you don’t know why you do something . . . . It’s something primal and secret.”

 

 

 

WHO

Nick Cave (born 1959, United States) uses sculpture, textiles, performance and installation as a means to enact social change in his Chicago community and beyond. His training as a dancer and fashion designer influences his practice.

 

WHAT

Cave creates sculptural costumes from everyday objects in his series of Soundsuits. During a performance, Cave’s sculptures are both visual and audible experiences, as the movement of the materials create unexpected sounds. Bunny Boy features one such Soundsuit in a slow, quiet, sexually suggestive dance performance.

 

WHY

One of the most entrancing aspects of Cave’s Soundsuits is how they usually conceal all indicators of the performer’s identity, such as race and gender. In Bunny Boy, Cave puts on a Soundsuit that reveals his chest bare. Stepping into the spotlight, his avatar merges the human body with fantasy figuration.

 

LISTEN

PlayTime curator Trevor Smith on how Nick Cave’s costumes both conceal and reveal the maker. Read the transcript.

 

 

WATCH

Nick Cave’s response to the PlayTime manifesto—with sock puppets. Read the transcript.

 

 

 

WORKS

 

Bunny Boy, 2012
Video (14 minutes, 5 seconds)
Courtesy of the artist and Jack Shainman Gallery

 

(Image credits: Courtesy of the artist and Jack Shainman Gallery, New York, photo by James Prinz (detail), © Nick Cave; photo by Sandro; Courtesy of the artist and Jack Shainman Gallery, New York, © Nick Cave.)

Mark Bradford

“I wanted to do a video of me playing basketball, but I wanted to create a condition, a struggle.”

 

 

WHO

Mark Bradford (born 1961, United States) lives and works in his hometown of South Los Angeles, where his community is a significant source of inspiration. Before earning his master of fine arts degree, Bradford worked in his mother’s hair salon as a stylist.

 

WHAT

For Practice, Bradford set out to make a video of himself playing basketball with challenging restrictions. Along with a typical Los Angeles Lakers jersey, he wears an outrageously voluminous antebellum hoop skirt. These skirts, worn by women in the pre–Civil War era, feature expansive boning that allowed for air circulation. Here, the Santa Ana winds lift the skirt and trip Bradford up. However, each time he falls on the court, he gets up, dribbles again, and eventually he makes the shot.

 

WHY

Bradford is a 6’8” tall black man. For years, he had to deal with people who assumed that he should be a basketball player. For Bradford, the self-imposed challenges in Practice represent the cultural, gender, and racial stereotypes that he needed to negotiate as a young man.

 

LISTEN

PlayTime curator Trevor Smith on how Mark Bradford uses play to negotiate the expectations that society places on us. Read the transcript.

 

 

WORKS

 

Practice, 2003
Video (3 minutes)
Courtesy of the artist and Hauser & Wirth

 

(Image credits: Courtesy of the artist and Hauser & Wirth, Zurich, Switzerland;  photo by Sean Shim-Boyle (detail); courtesy of the artist and Hauser & Wirth, Zurich, Switzerland.)

Cory Arcangel

“Irony doesn’t produce anything. It takes the air out of the world and I can’t imagine taking any pleasure in that. I’m trying to find something hopeful, some kind of truth.”

 

 

 

WHO

Cory Arcangel (born 1978, United States) became well known for hacking video game cartridges and performing Internet interventions, but his practice crosses a wide range of media. His work fuses an interest in video art, music, coding, and online open sources—all with a tongue-in-cheek sensibility.

 

WHAT

In these works, Arcangel modified two popular Nintendo 64 games with a sly twist. In Self Playing Nintendo 64 NBA Courtside 2, all-star basketball player Shaquille O’Neal repeatedly throws air balls, always missing the basket. In Totally Fucked, Arcangel has removed everything from the scene except Mario, stranded on a block in mid-air, leaving him with nowhere to go.

 

WHY

Arcangel’s hacked cartridge videos evoke laughs at the silly subversion of iconic video games and the futility of the characters’ situations. But the joke fades and desperation mounts when we realize there is no way for anyone to win the game.

 

LISTEN

PlayTime curator Trevor Smith on why it’s fun to watch professional athletes fail. Read the transcript.

 

WORKS

 

Totally Fucked, 2003
Hacked Super Mario Brothers cartridge and Nintendo NES video game system
Courtesy of the artist

 

Self Playing Nintendo 64 NBA Courtside 2, 2011
Hacked Nintendo 64 video game controller, Nintendo 64 game console, NBA Courtside 2 game cartridge, and video
Courtesy of the artist

 

(Image credits: Courtesy of the artist, © Cory Arcangel; photo by Tim Barber (detail); photo by Maria Zanchi,  © Cory Arcangel; photo by Sacha Maric, © Cory Arcangel.)

Dispatches from the Field: The Board Room: Transcript

So The Board Room. We’ve described it as a board game speakeasy.

We have members that come in and play our library of games. We’re also open to the public on certain nights of the week.

We have close to a thousand board games in the library now.

Hi, I’m Tom Nimmo. I’m one of the co-founders of the Board Room. Although if I am being honest, it was Phil who first had the idea for this place.

I’m Phil Trotter. I had the idea for this place.

There are so many different kinds of games and you’ll see that certain people might be really good at one kind of game and really bad at another kind of game.

I really enjoy the face-to-face interaction of board games. There’s just so many different types of interactions that you can have with people and so many different types of games that just… such a huge variety. We think it’s cool as hell and so we want to share it with everyone.

Most of these other clubs are nomadic. They play at restaurants, they play at YMCAs, they play at libraries, but they don’t have a space that they’re renting out. We are unique in that way. I don’t think there’s too many clubs like us.

The board gaming community is growing. We’re bound to all be in the big . . . the bigger board game community sooner rather than later.

I’ve learned a lot about building an organization with social media. How do you advertise a board game club? I’m asking, how do I do it?

Please tell us.

 

Return to the video.

Dispatches from the Field: SkeeBoston: Transcript

I’ve never met anyone that hates Skee-Ball. It’s a game that you played as a kid at an old Chuck E. Cheese or a skating rink. I came to Boston and I missed my friends that I met through a Skee-Ball league down in Raleigh. Approached the owner of The Greatest Bar and told him we could bring in a bunch of people on an off night. He looked at me like, great, you know, let’s make it happen. We had almost a hundred and fifty people right out of the gate. Five and a half years later, we’re on our seventeenth skeeson now.

We have three skeeball skeesons a year, eight weeks long, and they culminate in a team playoff and an individual playoff. We have a top sixty-four  NCAA bracket and we play down until there’s one last person standing and they are the champion in Boston.

Skeeson means season. Hundos for hundreds.

40 streak means out of your nine balls you get to roll, you roll all 40s.

I thought it was very strange that they insisted on saying hundo instead of hundreds. And I was like, guys, can’t you just say hundreds. And then I started playing and hundo is just so much easier to say and makes you sound a lot cooler in the skeeball world.

Everyone joins kickball leagues and it comes with trophies and shirts and beer. We just bring it inside, year round.

I think it’s sort of fun to be really good at something really silly like Skee-Ball.

All of our team names are like Skee-Ball puns.

This season we were the Hunger Lanes.

Born to Skee Wild.

It Ain’t Easy Being Skeezy.

I think our favorite one was Skee-dazzled where we essentially bedazzled ha jean jackets.

My team name is called the Premature Combinations: Sponsored by Skeealis.

We’ve had people meet and get married. We’ve had babies come out of relationships at Skee-Ball.

I mean they’ll be people that will be in my wedding, they’ll be bridesmaids.

So it’s more the people, less the game. But the game is pretty fun.

Return to the video.

Ballin’ and Shot Callin’ Desi Style: An Essay

Anthropologist Stanley Thangaraj found camaraderie and cultural awareness through basketball. Can it help others feel more welcome in America?

In spring 1994, when we were students at Emory University, Kumrain invited me to play pick-up basketball, along with his friends Mustafa and Qamar in the hopes of forming a team for the Indo-Pak Basketball Tournament in Greenville, South Carolina. Mustafa, Qamar, and Ali lived outside Atlanta near historic Stone Mountain, once home to the Ku Klux Klan. As an Indian American, my close African American friends, liberal white friends, and other South Asian American friends all lived in Dekalb County, Fulton County, and Cobb County. Mustafa’s family lived in Gwinnett County, which was outside the perimeter demarcated by the I-285. It was held as common sense that few people of color traveled outside the perimeter. Upon meeting, playing basketball, and being dominated by Mustafa on the makeshift court in his parents’ driveway, I immediately realized the joy of male bonding with fellow Indian and Pakistanis in Georgia. I decided to join Mustafa and his mostly Muslim Pakistani American peers; we formed the team known as the Atlanta Outkasts, a name inspired by the popular Atlanta hip hop group OutKast. From the very onset, black style, black aesthetics, and hip-hop culture were instrumental in how we, as young immigrant men, crafted our identity and embodied “cool.” As Team Atlanta Outkasts, we played together for more than fifteen years.

This kind of love for athletics, maybe especially for basketball, was not unique to us. Two other Atlanta teams had gathered to compete at that weekend tournament, one of which—a majority Sikh team—reached the finals of the tournament. Malik, a founding member of the Outkasts, knew several of the members of the Sikh team, Krush, from their college days at the Georgia Institute of Technology. The other team, Crescent Moon, was comprised of men from Al-Farooq Masjid—pious Muslims, as demonstrated by their long beards and performance of salat (prayer). Mustafa and Qamar, at this point in their lives, did not embody the same level of piety: they partied hard, drank alcohol, used recreational drugs, and were outside the boundaries of Muslim respectability, even though many members of both teams attended mosque together. Regardless, one can see how the religious centers such as the Sikh gurdwara and Muslim mosques (masjids) in Atlanta, just like the major Christian churches, catered to and supported basketball as a means to raising young men within the fold of American identity.

Players take great joy in the male-bonding space of basketball, a space in which they affirm and are affirmed as athletes and men.

The types of camaraderie and competitiveness at the tournament were incredible; it gave me chills. I had harbored my own stereotypes of Indians and Pakistanis in the United States as being un-athletic; my own ego had convinced me that I was an exceptional athlete and therefore unlike other Indian Americans. However, the players and teams at the 1994 tournament forced me to reconsider my own biases. I felt like an outsider and yet so comfortable. It was a surreal experience. Never before had I been surrounded by a slew of such talented South Asian American basketball players. When I played intramural basketball with an Indian American team at Emory in my freshmen year, I had met only a few very strong players, but the Indo-Pak Tournament was an experience of its own. I could not stop smiling with both a realization of my Indian identity as athletic and being part of this basketball universe, but I also felt great pressure to play my best. South Asian American basketball excellence was no longer exceptional but rather simply routine in this setting. Here, as I’ve also observed in the Indo-Pak basketball circuits of Chicago, Atlanta, Washington, DC, and Dallas, players take great joy in the male-bonding space of basketball, a space in which they affirm and are affirmed as athletes and men. The sweet sound of the swish, the crossover move, a no-look pass, viciously blocking a shot, and the forceful dunking of the ball resulted in such unadulterated joy.

There was a desire even in this space of athletic parity to still be seen as exceptional.

However, in other basketball spaces, Indo-Pak players had to negotiate being stereotyped as either not American or “manly” enough. In sleeveless shirts and with sweat glistening off their athletic bodies, the players took pleasure in translating their musculature and bodily movements into basketball excellence. These men were also simultaneously claiming their American identity by playing basketball, which is so quintessentially American. Whereas the common assumption about the South Asian American man is that he is good for cricket, ping-pong, or the spelling bee, these basketball tournaments and pick-up games offer a reprieve from being culturally typecast as nerdy, not manly enough, or as un-American. The young men took delight in out-competing and beating their co-ethnic peers. There was a desire even in this space of athletic parity to still be seen as exceptional, as the model of the athletic South Asian American man.

An oasis like this also presents other political possibilities. When I was researching the Indo-Pak Basketball circuit in Washington, DC, and Maryland in 2008—the year Barack Obama became the first African American president—there were explicit conversations on the court that were loudly stated now. A few hours after the election, Mustafa texted me, “Now it is time for reparations,” a reference to centuries of unpaid black slave labor. Meanwhile, at the pick-up games in Maryland with members of the DC Indo-Pak team Maryland Five Pillars and their African American peers, players shared their experiences of racism while traveling and living in various places across the United States. Thus, instead of treating the election of Obama as an absence of racism, it became an opportunity on the Indo-Pak basketball court to talk explicitly about how South Asian Americans and African Americans are treated in the U.S. These moments of basketball on the co-ethnic-only circuits allow young men of color a chance to hope and desire another tomorrow, as seen with the photo of Mo Hoque of team NY D-Unit. It is an opportunity to offer a rendition of American identity that could be more welcoming. ♦

(Image credits: Courtesy of Ginash George, Indopak 2017, Chicago.)

Soccer Symphony: An Essay

Foosball, Babyfoot, table soccer: whatever you grew up calling it, it is as culture-crossing and universal as the game on the pitch. Writer Tom Vanderbilt takes us to the table.

Whenever I walk into some space vaguely associated with recreation—a sleepy bar, a bowling alley, the grease-scented shack at the community pool—my eyes, without active thought, always flick to the corners. What I am hoping to see, and so rarely do, is some surviving example of that vestigial class of indoor table games: a Brunswick air hockey table, ready for its air jets to hum into quiet life; a Williams “Master Strike” bowling game, with a jar of that curious granulated wax to smooth the travel of the chrome puck; or, perhaps most eagerly, a foosball table (bonus points if all its players are correctly aligned on the rods).

This impulse was no doubt ingrained in me by time spent at a Midwestern university, with its combination of copious spare time and long, punishing winters. I certainly lost many hours to video games, but these were typically frantic, solitary bouts in between classes—the shaky fix of an addict. What really enchanted me were these analog pursuits, these little curious representations of real-world sports (soccer, tennis, hockey, etc.), rescaled for indoor consumption and bearing only a symbolic connection to their parents (a good soccer player would not necessarily make a good foosball player, and vice versa).

I sometimes have the idea that things are just another way to forge social connections by other means.

What was ultimately so appealing about these games—and from here I will focus on foosball—was not the gameplay itself, but the fact that they were social (you can hardly play foosball by yourself). The object itself had a magnetic appeal, like a watering hole in the Kalahari. It was inviting a ritual (chess, so often deployed as a decorative element in hotel lobbies and other places, does this too, although I rarely see anyone actually playing). Unlike video games, a number of people could play at once, four was better than two, forging a spontaneous social bond that was absent in the autonomous individual turn-taking of, say, Pac-Man—and a game might even attract spectators. It was Pac-Man and its ilk, actually, that were attributed to ending what had been something of a wave of foosball mania in the U.S. and elsewhere in the 1970s. There were professional tours, coverage in Sports Illustrated, ads for tables in national magazines. The pro tour continues, and tends to be dominated by a white-gloved Belgian named Frédéric Collignon, but it has never regained such dizzying heights (though there is a movement afoot to have it installed in the Olympics).

I sometimes have the idea that things are just another way to forge social connections by other means—that people go to events like collectible car shows primarily to talk to other people (about collectible cars). Here is where a foosball table, as a thing, has a power beyond itself. Take, for instance, a story that appeared in 2015 in the Boston Globe. It described one Cedric Douglas, an artist-in-residence at a group in the Boston suburb of Dorchester. After purchasing a foosball table for $50 off Craigslist, he began toting it around town, inviting strangers to play. He calls it “playmaking”—using the game to connect random people (who otherwise would not connect) to each other in the shared space of the neighborhood, around a kind of symbolic hearth.

The British artist Oliver Clegg had a similar impulse when he hosted a “Triathalon” at the offices of Cabinet magazine in Gowanus, Brooklyn. One of the featured contests was foosball (there was chess too, on a board designed by Clegg), conducted on a working table that was also a sculpture by Clegg, titled Self portrait with my wife (as foosball players), featuring hand-sculpted resin players that were, you guessed it, reproductions of Clegg and his wife, sans clothes (this personification brings to mind a news dispatch, from CNN, noting that the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria allowed the playing of foosball—so long as the faces or heads were removed “to prevent idol worship”).

We do not argue much over whether art can be a game.

The table was the art, but so was the play. This seemed meaningful. Enter the search terms “artist” and “game” and “play” into Google and you will get pages and pages of articles debating whether or not video games “are art.” We do not argue much over whether art can be a game. There was a quaintness in Clegg’s materiality, including his insistence that the foosball figures not be made using 3D modeling (so they had traces of real imperfection), as well as the idea of people interacting in real life over these human foosball figures. “Needing two hands to play a game of foosball meant you couldn’t post on Instagram,” Clegg noted in one interview, “and playing chess meant that your focus was more on winning than checking Facebook.”

It was not the first time foosball had been trotted out in the service of art. With his 1991 work Stadium, Maurizio Cattelan famously crafted an enormous foosball table—over nineteen feet long—to accommodate eleven players on each side (to mimic a real soccer match). At a time of increasing xenophobia, he paired a team of North African migrants against an “Italian” team; as the work’s Sotheby’s catalog entry describes, “the maneuvering of miniature color-coded figurines across a tabletop came to invoke a much larger metaphor for the greater theatre of world politics.” But like the other foosball-art interactions, what animated the work was the play. Without its human participants, Cattelan’s sculpture was mute; a symphony in a vacuum.

The foosball table can signify the sense of unstructured, campus-like fun of Silicon Valley culture or precisely as a symptom of the structural flaws of that culture.

If the iconic power of the foosball table helped provide a powerful medium for Cattelan’s socio-political expression, the foosball table has itself become symbolic. Anyone who had followed accounts of office life in Silicon Valley over the past decade or so will have noticed the inevitable appearance of the foosball table. The table became a kind of stock image. Literally—enter “foosball” into a site like iStock and you’ll get executives or hip-looking coders on break huddled around a table. Depending on the context, the table either seemed to signify the sense of unstructured, campus-like fun of Silicon Valley startup culture (where it became an amenity as standard as free snacks), or precisely as a symptom of the structural flaws of that culture (i.e., throwing employees a foosball table instead of good health insurance, etc.); “Is Anyone Really Using the Office Foosball Table?” as one article darkly put it. The foosball table rests uneasily in the office, violating an implicit boundary between work and play, raising suspicions that not enough work is being done or, perversely, that it’s gleeful team-building bonhomie masks a sinister campaign to get people to work harder and longer. But relax, it’s only a game. ♦

(Image credit: Courtesy Nicola via Flickr.)

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